Discussion in 'Hoochie Bin' started by ltd86, Aug 12, 2015.
God, what a faggot.
brady's pretty gay too
Upon further review, 4 games is not enough...
German police have raided the house of an 86-year-old lady Ursula Haverbeck, after she publicly questioned the Holocaust story.
This thread needs some political content or it's headed to the hoochie bin.
The bromance reaches new heights.
Where is Jim?
think you're going a little overboard. the thread is about political prisoners and you're saying there's no political content in it?
we had a nice forum - there's no reason to ruin it.
There is nothing here but random pics and music videos.
Keep it on topic or its gone.
Political prisoners occupy a special place in the British psyche. Colditz was described as the stronghold where Allied prisoners of war...were incarcerated. it was the cage in which were shut the birds that longed to be free, that beat their wings unceasingly against the bars. In such conditions birds do not usually survive long. It says something for the resilient spirit of man that those Allied prisoners...who were sent to Colditz mostly survived the ordeal. They were men of action...they were prisoners expiating no other crime than the unselfish service of their country (Reid, 1974:13,14). British POWs in Japan and elsewhere are similarly feted (for example, Lucas, 1975). In the early part of this century the suffragettes also agitated successfully for political recognition. As a result of their determined protests they were granted certain privileges in 1910, awarded to 'those whose offences did not involve personal dishonour' (Walker, 1984:193). These privileges related to personal clothing, the absence of prison work and additional exercise, visits and letters, and survived in Prison Rules until 1972 when this 'discrete recognition of political status' was abolished as a consequence of the emerging Irish difficulties (Walker, 1984:194). In Irish circumstances, what constitutes a political prisoner has become highly contested. The British administration in Ireland has consistently denied a political motive to those involved in the use of political violence in the long standing conflict over sovereignty in Ireland initially and, more recently, in the North of Ireland. Irish republican prisoners have made organised political demands on the orthodox prison system since the middle of the 19th century, Clarke describing 'the indignities, brutalities and torture which British prison officials have devised especially for Irish political prisoners' (Clarke, 1997:13). Political recognition was consistently denied to individual prisoners during this period, and they appear to have been singled out for special treatment because of their unwillingness to conform to 'normal' prison conditions. ...they were never sure of getting a letter or a visit at the due time; these could be stopped for the slightest misdemeanour such as trying to talk to one another or to any other prisoner (Clarke, 1997:13). Irish prisoners were first accorded large scale POW status in Frongoch in North Wales, immediately following the 1916 Easter Rising. O Mahony outlined how... Captivity was just another chapter in a continuous struggle for freedom. In this manner at Frongach were laid out the foundations for the policy of organisation and resistance in jails and internment camps which formed the basis of all subsequent prison activity in the years to follow (O Mahony, 1987:59). Similarly, MacStiofain wrote in the 1950s, we found officers who recognised a difference between criminal and political prisoners, no matter what English law said. They understood we were in prison because of principles...in the Republican movement, a political prisoner did not just vanish into jail to be forgotten. The jails and camps themselves were an important sector of the revolutionary front (MacStiofain, 1974:66, 73).