Discussion in 'The Howard Stern Show' started by skylarbrie, Sep 17, 2014.
A.D.H.D is a blessing in disguise.
Couldn't give less of a shit.
Look! A Stereotype!
Nice of her to pose for a pic like that.
(Oh, and BTW... That's the fake story.)
Sins of your sons (when you can even remember who they are) and baby mamas:
So assuming this is true (and it definitely has the air of at least being wildly embellished) then this is a horrible tragedy and a sad example of our violent history as Americans and as humans.
But I don't see how it has any bearing on current racial unrest.
Here's the deal, whiny victims...every culture on this planet has a violent brutal history. Every one of us, be black, white, Latino, Asian, Arab, or fucking Eskimo, has dominated some "other" people by whatever horrific means they could.
History is nothing we should forget (because as the cliche goes, we're doomed to repeat it) but it's not healthy to make it your identity. Don't use history as a crutch, an excuse for shortcomings.
That's my 2 cents. I'll get off the soap-box
In general, I like to marginalize history that contradicts my world view, conversely, I tend to highlight history that falls into my world view... Overall, I feel good about myself
Hold on to the past when you've got nothing else.
Battle of Ndondakusuka
Cetshwayo was the eldest son of the King Mpande kaSenzangakhona. Many of the izikhulu supported Cetshwayo but Mpande favoured his next eldest son Mbuyazi. Previous kings had succeeded to the throne through bloody means and Mpande’s successor would face the same trial.
Mbuyazi was Mpande’s second son by a widow of the great Zulu king Shaka. The higher status was Mpande’s justification that the elder Cetshwayo should be bypassed. At a sacrifice of an ox, the point was made known when Mpande ordered that the shields to be made from the hide would have the best side used for Mbuyazi. An induna pointed out to Mpande that this meant he was renouncing Cetshwayo as rightful heir. Mpande retorted that when he was a commoner he had fathered Mbuyazi on the behalf of Shaka and that now as king the significance of that birth would be recognized by being Mpande's successor. The public consequences of that action were realized when Mpande ordered Mbuyazi to move his supporters, the iziGqoza faction, to the south of the Mhlatuze River, the area that as the first son had been occupied by Cetshwayo and his followers, the uSuthu faction. Cetshwayo believed that it was the time to act decisively and mobilised his forces. He intended to remove this threat to his succession to the Zulu kingship.
Mbuyazi had far fewer supporters than Cetshwayo. On the advice of his father, he sought help from white settlers in Natal led by John Dunn. Dunn gathered a small group of 35 Natal Border Police and an additional force of 100 native hunters. Mbuyazi's own forces totaled 7,000 warriors. Cetshwayo was seen by many as the rightful heir, so warriors flocked to his support, which numbered between 15,000 and 20,000 men. The guns of the colonials could only help Mbuyazi up to a point, as their numbers were too few to overcome such a large enemy force, but he was not discouraged. Mbuyuzi remembered that Mpande's general Nongalazahad overcome a superior force during the Battle of Maqongqo against Dingane. Nongalaza himself joined Mbuyazi at Mpande's request.
Mbuyazi's forces had their backs to the Zulu Kingdom's border along the bank of the Tugela River, the latter filled by the seasonal rains that swelled the river into a torrent. Mbuyazi had his warriors burn a line in the grass which would serve as a marker of no further retreat as they pledged to win, and if not die on the field.
Cetshwayo's first attack failed, giving heart to the Mbuyazi forces after they repelled it. But Cetshwayo had enough reserves for a second attack. Cetshwayo's inner circle of supporters were then sent in, along with the Mandlakazi who far outnumbered the iziGqoza. Mbuyazi's army was overwhelmed. Mbuyazi and five of his siblings were killed. Others were swept away by the river when they attempted escape. Mpande's aging general Nongalaza, barely swam to safety.
John Dunn and his forces were to the left of Mbuyazi’s and escaped by means of a boat waiting on the Natal boundary of the river; it was said that escaping Mbuyazi forces were refused a place on the boat. Very quickly, the battle turned into the slaughter of all Mbuyazi’s surviving followers.
In the aftermath of the battle the uSuthu faction slaughtered, with their assegais, every iziGqoza they could find, including the women and children. The justification for this act was that women bore warriors and children grow up. It is estimated that 20,000 people were killed and the mouth of the Tugela river where the bodies washed up began to be referred to as the Mathambo ("place of bones")
John Dunn later negotiated with Cetshwayo for the return of settler property captured after the battle. He later became an important advisor to Cetshwayo and an influential intermediary between the Zulus, Boers and British.
Mpande was inconsolable and resentful, and when Cetshwayo presented all the captured iziGqoza cattle to his father, Mpande refused and ordered Cetshwayo to leave. He left without any retaliation to the rejection and bided his time until the natural death of his father then was crowned king by Theophilus Shepstone
South African farm attacks
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
South African farmers have suffered from attacks for many years. Newspapers have said that the majority of the attackers have been young blacks and that the majority of the victims have been white Afrikaner farmers. These statements, however, have been disputed by fact checking organisation Africa Check. While the government has argued that there is no evidence of organised attacks, white farmers believe these attacks are evidence of a campaign to drive them off their land. The disbandment of the Commandoshas been linked to the escalating level of farm attacks. In 2010, the issue garnered greater international attention in light of the murder of the far-right political figure Eugène Terre'Blanche on his farm.
1 Terminology and definition
2 Committee of Inquiry
3 Criticism of response
6 External links
Terminology and definition
South African statutory law does not define a "farm attack" as a specific crime. Rather, the term is used to refer to a number of different crimes committed against persons specifically on commercial farms or smallholdings.
According to the South African Police Service National Operational Co-co-ordinating Committee:
Attacks on farms and smallholdings refer to acts aimed at the person of residents, workers and visitors to farms and smallholdings, whether with the intent to murder, rape, rob or inflict bodily harm. In addition, all actions aimed at disrupting farming activities as a commercial concern, whether for motives related to ideology, labour disputes, land issues, revenge, grievances, anti-White concerns or intimidation, should be included.
This definition excludes "social fabric crimes", that is those crimes committed by members of the farming community on one another, such as domestic or workplace violence, and focuses on outsiders entering the farms to commit specific criminal acts. The safety and security MEC for Mpumalanga, Dina Pule, has disagreed with this definition and has stated that "farm attacks" only included those cases "where farm residents were murdered, and not cases of robberies or attempted murders." Human Rights Watch has criticised the use of the term "farm attacks", which they regard as "suggesting a terrorist or military purpose", which they consider to not be the primary motivation for most farm attacks. According to media reports, as of December 2011, approximately 3,158 – 3,811 White farmers have been murdered in these attacks. However, self-reported data from the Transvaal Agricultural Union state that 1,544 people were killed in farm attacks from 1990 to 2012.
The Mau Mau Uprising, also known as the Mau Mau Revolt, Mau Mau Rebellion or Kenya Emergency, was a military conflict that took place in Kenya between 1952 and 1960. It involved Kikuyu-dominated groups summarily called Mau Mau and elements of the British Army, the local Kenya Regiment mostly consisting of the British, auxiliaries and anti-Mau Mau Kikuyu. The capture of rebel leader Dedan Kimathi on 21 October 1956 signalled the ultimate defeat of Mau Mau, and essentially ended the British military campaign.
Mau Mau failed to capture widespread public support,
Mau Mau militants were guilty of numerous war crimes. The most notorious was their attack on the settlement of Lari, on the night of 25–26 March 1953, in which they herded Kikuyu men, women and children into huts and set fire to them, hacking down with pangasanyone who attempted escape, before throwing them back into the burning huts. The attack at Lari was so extreme that "African policemen who saw the bodies of the victims . . . were physically sick and said 'These people are animals. If I see one now I shall shoot with the greatest eagerness'", and it "even shocked many Mau Mau supporters, some of whom would subsequently try to excuse the attack as 'a mistake'".
A retaliatory massacre was immediately perpetrated by African security forces who were partially overseen by British commanders. Official estimates place the death toll from the first Lari massacre at 74, and the second at 150, though neither of these figures account for those who 'disappeared'. Whatever the actual number of victims, "[t]he grim truth was that, for every person who died in Lari's first massacre, at least two more were killed in retaliation in the second."
Aside from the Lari massacres, Kikuyu were also tortured, mutilated and murdered by Mau Mau on many other occasions. Mau Mau racked up 1,819 murders of their fellow Africans, though again this number excludes the many additional hundreds who 'disappeared', whose bodies were never found. Thirty-two European and twenty-six Asian civilians were also murdered by Mau Mau militants, with similar numbers wounded. The most well known European victim was Michael Ruck, aged six, who was hacked to death with pangas along with his parents, Roger and Esme, and one of the Rucks' farm workers, Muthura Nagahu, who had tried to help the family. Newspapers in Kenya and abroad published graphic murder details, including images of young Michael with bloodied teddy bears and trains strewn on his bedroom floor.
I think you will be hard pressed to find someone who gives a fuck
To not give a fuck is to give a fuck...
"Well, it seemed like a good idea for a thread."
And then it all too predictably turned into a cyber version of the "knockout game".
A lot of whiny finger pointers feel good about themselves. Doesn't make them right.
Not referring to you specifically. I'm generalizing.